Transsexualism in different cultures

Transgender (travestis) in Brazil

Brazil is both Latin America's largest nation, and also the fifth largest country in the worldin terms of both population and physical size. While it is quite a developed country, it is not the most queer-friendly place due to its strict ideas on masculinity and problems with AIDS outbreaks stemming from sex work operations. Distaste for the LGBTQ community is evident in the high murder rate of its members. Transgendered people are generally the target of these hate crimes, resulting in the alarming statistic of one death every three days.

The term "transgender" in our society serves as an umbrella term for all gender variants. Transgender people, or "transgenero" in Brazil refers to male to female cases. And within �transgen�ro� there are two distinct categories: transsexuals and transvestites, or �travestis�. The groups are easily mixed up by outsiders but to individuals within, the notion of that they�re one and the same is preposterous.

The one massive similarity that creates the confusion is that both groups live and dress exclusively as women 100% of the time. They both take on feminine names, pronouns, mannerisms, and cross-dress everyday. Both make permanent changes to their bodies in efforts to appear more feminine. However transsexuals believe that they were born in the wrong-gendered body and make changes, such as genital reassignment surgery, to actually identify as women. Travestis do not identify as women and they condemn transsexualism as a mental illness. They do not attempt to change their sex. Most travestis are poor, gay, effeminate boys that do not have much of a chance otherwise in life.

I�ve chosen to examine the life and culture of the travestis on the streets of Brazil. Just in the large cities of Rio de Janero and Sao Paulo alone, they number in the thousands. Due to exposure from their high numbers, they lead a notorious yet underground existence full of danger and oppression.

     First and foremost it should be noted that the definition of a travesti is not completely synonymous with our definition of �transvestite�. Travesti comes from the word �travestir� meaning �to cross dress�. However the travestis do not merely cross dress from time to time. Travestis present themselves as women through adopting feminine names, pronouns, clothing, etc and making changes to their bodies through the injection of hormones and industrial silicone. They take on feminine mannerisms and practices such as talking about boys, being very picky about their appearance and watching soap operas. Remember the important distinction: they never, ever identify as women. They are very firm in the fact that they not only differ from transsexuals, but that transsexuals are psychologically ill. Travestis identify as homosexual males who fashion themselves up to be objects of desire for straight men. They are sometimes compared or referred to as �veados� or effeminate men also known as �faggots�.

     Whereas the generally accepted gender identification method in the U.S. originates at one�s genitals, Brazil�s gender binary is based off of one�s sexuality. Whether or not someone is a man, woman, or veado is dependent on one�s position in sex. If one penetrates, he is a man. If one gets penetrated, she is a woman or veado regardless of genitalia. Interestingly travestis take on both the passive and active roles in sex demonstrating their dual gender capabilities. Most travestis are street prostitutes who see a clientele of mostly men. With these clients travestis take on the active role because of the general desire of the client to be passive with a partner who looks like a woman. But when travestis are with their boyfriends, they are strict in their demands to be treated �like a woman� and therefore to be passive in sex. In fact, if a travesti�s boyfriend were to engage with her penis, the travesti would see the boyfriend as a veado and dump him for a �real man�.

     Travestis are born poor and generally do not make it out of poverty. They tend to live in the poorest as well as most dangerous part of town. Most live in three by four meter rooms that are not secured or very clean. It is extremely common for travestis to have an altar with a Catholic religious figure such as Jesus or Virgin Mary in their room. They practice their faith in spite of the fact that the Catholic community and most other religious communities do not accept them, the exception being the Afro-Brazilian religious community.

Carnival, an Afro-Brazilian festival which incorporates gender inversion in its over the top rituals, is the reason behind this lone acceptance. Each year male �en travesti� are at high visibility at this festival, on billboards, and in magazines. There are even entire groups dressed as women. However these men are merely dressing in drag and would not actually want to be called travestis. But this event does serve as a reference to them and some do come out and participate. However since travestis cross dress all year around, it is less of a fun event for them. And sadly as discrimination levels rise, some travestis get scared away by people who are intolerant. Unfortunately the majority of the population of Brazil engages in these acts of discrimination and intolerance.

     Because travestis are stereotyped as dirty, dishonest, mentally ill, violent, and diseased criminals, they are completely excluded from Brazilian culture, often living in �hermetically sealed worlds�. They are actually one of the most despised and marginalized groups in Brazil and are hated by both heterosexuals and homosexuals. Brazil is already not a gay friendly country and the gay population dislikes the negative image the travestis put on homosexuality. Because of this and their deviant life style, travestis often fall victim to extreme brutality and abuse by the police, gangs and the general populous.

     Sadly the travestis are aware of the discrimination and have somewhat internalized this tainted image of themselves. They often tend to approach each other with doubt, precaution and cattiness. At the same time they remain defiant in their own stance that they are �radical gays who are forcing society to accept their sexual orientation�. Unfortunately Brazil is a country that lacks laws against discrimination based on sexual orientation. Therefore travesti face severe discrimination on a daily basis and some don't even go out in daylight due to safety concerns.

Police brutality, gang violence and passerby insults are the most common forms of harassment and abuse the travestis have to deal with. They do sometimes fall victim to extreme tragedies such as random assassinations by police or drive by shootings. However due to lack of power within Brazilian society, little can be done. As a result of harsh discrimination in school most travestis are forced to drop out at an early age. For this reason many travestis are uneducated and in some cases illiterate. Therefore it is near impossible for travestis to obtain a job that has influence in society such as a doctor, lawyer or other professional. In fact, their lack of education practically keeps them from joining the workforce altogether. The combination of having social-reject-status and being uneducated makes it impossible to change the oppressive conditions of the travestis. So with the middle and upper class jobs being cut off most travestis become street sex workers for life.

In the poorer regions of Brazil workers start as young as twelve. However, in bigger cities the optimal age to begin working the streets is around sixteen or seventeen. They commonly start at an early age due to health problems that can lead to short life expectancy. Most travestis believe their good looks will run out at a young age so they begin working young as an attempt to procure some kind of security for their life after age thirty. As far as health issues go AIDS is a huge problem within the travesti community and is very easily spread through unprotected sex between the travesti and male clients who then go on to spread it to their wives. Sexually transmitted diseases run rampant and undetected due to the underground, lawless nature of the travesti community. Another problem is unregulated drug use and addiction. The biggest problems causing short life spans however are the health risks resulting from the extensive and dangerous body modifications that travestis undergo to look more like women. These modifications are illegal and generally not regulated or administered by a licensed doctor.

The most dangerous modification is that of pumping industrial silicone into their bodies everywhere from their knuckles to butt to cheeks. There are many serious risks involved including dropping of the silicone to the ankles, rejection of the silicone by the body, leaking into the bloodstream and development of serious diseases such as lupus and connective tissue disease. Travestis can have up to twenty liters at a time of silicone injected into their bodies. It is injected by other travestis called bombardeiras or pumpers that are �specialists� (not licensed doctors) at pumping silicone into others� bodies. Another harmful body modification is the mass usage of hormones that goes completely unregulated. One travesti speaks of injecting a month�s worth of hormones into her butt everyday. Signs of the uneducated life of the travestis abound when one examines the decisions that they make regarding their own bodies. It�s amazing to what extent travestis will go to look good and succeed as a sex worker.

Travestis have fewer options than female prostitutes and work almost exclusively on the street where they often endure violence, pimping and trafficking. Beatings, intimidation, torture, and shootings are the norm at the hands of sadistic clients who seek out travestis to hurt them. Sometimes travestis attempt to fight the system and play into their criminal image by committing violent crimes against their clients, which in turn sparks more police brutality. Street pimps are also known for beating up their prostitutes over money issues.

     Pimping is almost unavoidable as most prostitutes have to pay a pimping fee in an area to whatever pimp has rights there. In turn the pimp is supposed to offer protection from other pimps and the police. Female prostitutes have male pimps called cafetoes whereas travestis generally answer to pimps called �cafetinas� who are also travesti. Cafetinas run boarding houses for the travestis and pay the cafetoes for unattained street rights. Sometime a worker has to pay both a cafetina and cafetoe to work in an area where tricks don�t cost much. These fees can be a huge burden and some workers have to pull sixty tricks a month just to break even with pimping and boarding fees. Thankfully cafetinas and their travesti workers do not entertain a relationship built on fear and intimidation as in the case of females and their pimps. Cafetinas provide support and guidance and usually act as a parent like figure and often strongly discourage criminal behavior and drug use.

     Trafficking is another major problem within the travesti community. The cafetinas start the process by sending their workers to major cities to work the streets and get various body modifications including pumping and possibly surgery. The travestis are then sent to other cafetinas in European countries like Italy, France, Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Portugal. However they are not sent directly to their destination. They first are flown to an intermediate destination so they can enter the intended country undercover. The receiving cafetina then finds work, either on the street or in a brothel, and shelter for the travesti prostitutes.

     In some cases the travesti is not able to afford the body modifications and/or travel therefore she is financed, complete with sky-high interest rates, by the cafetina. However once the debt has been paid off the worker is free from any particular cafetina�s rule. Most become addicted to drugs or get infected with a sexually transmitted disease when finally on their own; those who don�t fall prey to addiction or disease have a reasonable chance of going back to Brazil and buying a house and/or car. It�s also common for them to send money to the family that expelled them. The percentage that is capable of such autonomy is very, very low and does not represent the majority of travesti workers in the world.

     Part of the reason that travestis have a bad image in the public eye stems from the fact that non lower class citizens of most cultures tend to dehumanize prostitutes. We rarely treat them as real, honest �workers� trying to make a living the only way that they know how. We also never let them take the prostitute label off even though most attempt to conduct a �normal� life when off duty. As mentioned above, travestis often have heterosexual boyfriends that they spend time and have sex with when off duty. They also entertain guests in what little space they have and often socialize, somewhat cautiously of course, with each other. This shows that even though the general populous marginalizes travestis and only sees them for their trade, travestis attempt to lead a worthwhile life while stuck in such a lose-lose situation.

Transgender in India

Aravanisthe Hijra "brides" of Aravanmourn his death
The Hijra[11] of India are probably the most well known and populous third sex type in the modern world Mumbai-based community health organisation The Humsafar Trust estimates there are between 5 and 6 million hijras in India. In different areas they are known as Aravani/Aruvani or Jogappa. Often (somewhat misleadingly) called eunuchs in English, they may be born intersex or apparently male, dress in feminine clothes and generally see themselves as neither men nor women. Only eight percent of hijras visiting Humsafar clinics are nirwaan (castrated). Indian photographer Dayanita Singh writes about her friendship with a Hijra, Mona Ahmed, and their two different societies' beliefs about gender: "When I once asked her if she would like to go to Singapore for a sex change operation, she told me, 'You really do not understand. I am the third sex, not a man trying to be a woman. It is your society's problem that you only recognise two sexes.'"[12] Hijra social movements have campaigned for recognition as a third sex,[13] and in 2005, Indian passport application forms were updated with three gender options: M, F, and E (for male, female, and eunuch, respectively).[14] Some Indian languages such as Sanskrit have three gender options. In November 2009, India agreed to list eunuchs and transgender people as "others", distinct from males and females, in voting rolls and voter identity cards.[15]
 
In addition to the feminine role of hijras, which is widespread across the subcontinent, a few occurrences of institutionalised "female masculinity" have been noted in modern India. Among the Gaddhi in the foothills of the Himalayas, some girls adopt a role as a sadhin, renouncing marriage, and dressing and working as men, but retaining female names and pronouns.[16] A late-nineteenth century anthropologist noted the existence of a similar role in Madras, that of the basivi.[17] However, historian Walter Penrose concludes that in both cases "their status is perhaps more 'transgendered' than 'third-gendered.'"[18]

Transgender in Western World

Some writers suggest that a third gender emerged around 1700 AD in England: the male sodomite.[26] According to these writers, this was marked by the emergence of a subculture of effeminate males and their meeting places (molly houses), as well as a marked increase in hostility towards effeminate and/or homosexual males. People described themselves as members of a third sex in Europe from at least the 1860s with the writings of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs[27] and continuing in the late nineteenth century with Magnus Hirschfeld,[28] John Addington Symonds,[29] Edward Carpenter,[30] Aimée Duc[31] and others. These writers described themselves and those like them as being of an "inverted" or "intermediate" sex and experiencing homosexual desire, and their writing argued for social acceptance of such sexual intermediates.[32] Many cited precedents from classical Greek and Sanskrit literature (see below).

In Wilhelmine Germany, the terms drittes Geschlecht ("third sex") and Mannweib ("man-woman") were also used to describe feminists both by their opponents[33] and sometimes by feminists themselves. In the 1899 novel Das dritte Geschlecht (The Third Sex) by Ernst Ludwig von Wolzogen, feminists are portrayed as "neuters" with external female characteristics accompanied by a crippled male psyche.

Throughout much of the twentieth century, the term "third sex" was a popular descriptor for homosexuals and gender nonconformists, but after Gay Liberation of the 1970s and a growing separation of the concepts of sexual orientation and gender identity, the term fell out of favor among LGBT communities and the wider public. With the renewed exploration of gender that feminism, the modern transgender movement and queer theory has fostered, some in the contemporary West have begun to describe themselves as a third sex again.[34] One well known social movement that includes male-bodied people that identify as neither men nor women are the Radical Faeries. Other modern identities that cover similar ground include pangender, bigender, genderqueer, androgyne, intergender, "other gender" and "differently gendered".

The term transgender, which often refers to those who change their gender, is increasingly being used to signify a gendered subjectivity that is neither male nor female one recent example is on a form for the Harvard Business School, which has three gender options male, female, and transgender

Transsexuals (ladyboys) in Thailand

The term transgender is seldom used in Thailand. Instead, kathoey, a word originally used to denote hermaphrodites (Jackson, 1998), is nowadays used to describe the transgender male. The label is somewhat nebulous, and is sometimes extended to cover male homosexuals (Jackson, 1998; Taywaditep et al., 1997). Thais (including MtFs themselves) often employ more specific labels exclusive to male transgender. These include 'long-haired kathoey' (kathoey phom yao), 'kathoey dressing as a woman' (kathoey tee sai suer pha phooying), or the informal English language terms 'ladyboy' and 'ladyman', all of which makes a clear reference to a female gender identity.

In Thailand, as in other South-East Asian societies, non-normative gender categories form part of the indigenous cultural tradition (Brummelhuis, 1999). The prevalent belief until the beginning of the last century was that there were three original sexes (Jackson, 1995), the third being male-female. Jackson (1998) reports that the Buddhist Vinaya text (a code of conduct for monks) identified four main sex/gender categories: males, females, ubhatobyanjanaka (hermaphrodites) and pandaka (males displaying a variety of other non-normative anatomies or sexual preference).

Arguably, additional themes of gender blending arise from the teachings on transience and incarnation. Buddhism teaches that all things lack permanence, even to the extent that there is no soul (Rahula, 1967; Neumaier-Dargyay, 1997). What is reborn is not a soul as such, but rather the result of one's lives, current and previous (Neumaier-Dargyay, 1997). From life to life one's elements may be incarnated as male or female (Taywaditep et al. 1997), or indeed kathoey (Bunmi, 1986).

Allyn (1991) suggests that kathoey once held an honoured place in Thai society. At the very least they enjoyed some acceptance, in part based on the belief that they were being punished in this life for a misdemeanour in a previous one (Jackson, 1995; 1998; Bunmi, 1986). However, in contemporary Thai society this acceptance is tempered by a degree of prejudice (Jackson, 1995; Matzner, 1999) and discrimination. MtFs remain legally male, even after sex re-assignment. Their birth certificates, identification cards and passports show them to be male. They cannot marry a male.

Because of prejudice and discrimination kathoey, even university graduates, find it hard to obtain professional jobs, or indeed any jobs at all in public and government service. How, then, do they support themselves, or for that matter their families? A very small number achieve success in fashion, music and the media. Others perform in costume and dance cabarets for tourists. Many others find themselves employed in small businesses (sometimes family-owned), working as sales clerks, waitresses, market stallholders, or beauty/ hairdressing salon workers. Others enter the sex trade for a period of months or years, perhaps until their looks fade. It should be noted that in doing so they are entering a world that does not carry the same social and moral stigma that it does in some other societies (Taywaditep et al., 1997; Peracca et al., 1998). In any case, some kathoey will see little other choice for making a living. Brummelhuis (1999) notes that there is very little information about older Thai MtFs. It is possible that many find the practicalities of transgender life so difficult that they revert back to an outwardly male gender-role.

Despite facing prejudice and discrimination the MtF has attained a prominence in Thai society that is probably unknown elsewhere. MtFs have been a regular feature of TV shows for years, albeit often as comic figures. Each year there are several kathoey beauty contests throughout Thailand, in some cases drawing hundreds of entrants. The two best known (Miss Tiffany and Miss Alcazar) are either televised or recorded for later sale as video in mainstream record and video stores. Indeed, kathoey have become so prominent a part of modern Thai culture that the authorities have recently taken steps to reduce their profile, for example making it more difficult for them to work as teachers or tour guides and advising television stations to curb MtF appearances on shows.

It has been reported that there are now some 10,000 Thai MtFs living in Thailand (Ehrlich, 1996), although this figure may be an underestimate. Turning first to the more extreme end of the gender-transition continuum, there are an indeterminate number of government and private hospitals which offer sex re-assignment surgery. The three most active surgeons in this field have together performed around 2,000 operations (Kim, 2001, personal communication). At the other end of the continuum, Matzner (1999) reports that one provincial Thai university of 15,000 students boasts a 'sorority' for over 100 MtF students (most at an early stage in transition). This represents around one in 150 students of the overall student population, and a rather larger proportion of the male student population!

Even if the estimate of 10,000 MtFs in Thailand is an accurate one, this figure would represent an incidence substantially above that estimated for transgender in many other parts of the world (see, for example, American Psychiatric Association, 1994; Kesteren et al., 1996; Francoeur, 1997). Clearly there is a need now for systematic research aimed at identifying what the actual incidence of transgender in Thailand is and, if the incidence is found to be higher than elsewhere, what the factors underlying it are.

In summary, Thailand presents fertile ground for research into transgenders. The apparently substantial numbers of transgenders, their openness about their status, their presence in a range of visible occupations, and their connections to an informal transgender community all serve to facilitate research in this area in Thailand. For a more detailed treatment of sexuality and gender in Thailand see Taywaditep et al., (1997), Jackson (1995, 1998), Brummelhuis (1999), and Jackson and Cook (2000).

The current study sought to examine the gender-trait stereotypes, actual self-concept and ideal self-concept of MtFs in Thailand. The research questions posed were twofold, and echoed those suggested earlier in this paper. Firstly, what beliefs do these transgenders have regarding the traits of men and women, and how do these gender-trait stereotypes compare with those displayed by non-transgenders in their own country and elsewhere in the world (as revealed by Williams and Best's 1990a data)? Secondly, what actual and ideal self-concepts do they express, and how may each of these (and discrepancies between the two) be viewed in terms of their own stereotypes beliefs about the traits of men and women?

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